Dr. K.S. Subramanian
IPS (Retd), Former DGP
Email: mani20026@gmail.com
The mineral rich state of Orissa is happy hunting ground for multinational companies. Vedanta’s huge hoarding outside the airport claimed to be ‘mining happiness for Orissa’. At the end of a five-day visit, however, one felt that the happiness, if any, of the adivasi people on whose lands numerous mining/extractive enterprises had come up at huge profit to their owners, was being ‘undermined’ rather than ‘mined’!
Situational Assessment and Report on Repression
Since 2001, many iron ore mining and steel making enterprises had started in the mineral state after paying huge kickbacks to politicians. The adivasis affected by the land acquisition process account for about 22 percent of the about 35 million population. The land was acquired at low cost from the adivasis for public purposes but sold at huge prices to private parties.
Many of these enterprises have been non-starters.Others have focussed on iron ore extraction and sale outside at huge profits. The envisaged industrial development has not taken place. No steel is yet being produced. Land acquisition by the Tatas did not result in steel production since many adivasi families continue to stay on the land demanding higher compensation at prevailing prices or opposing the land acquisition altogether. The houses of many who vacated have been occupied by persons from outside. Political vested interests have entered the scene. The police allege that the Vistapan Virodhi Manch (VVM) led by Ravindra Jarika was preventing those who had vacated from taking out their belongings leading to a clash with the police. The Superintendent of Police, Jajpur said his job was to take action according to law.
It was said that compensation and relief and rehabilitation benefited those who had landed assets but not others. The present conflict is focussed on land acquired by the Tatas. Their attempt to build a boundary wall around the land with the help of the local administration had met with stiff resistance from those who have refused to vacate. A major incident of violence, involving the death of many adivasis in police firing, had occurred in 2006.
Indigenous communities in Orissa, like elsewhere, are homogeneous and lead a compact life patterns. The resettlement and rehabilitation policies need to fully take into account the social, economic, psychological, emotional and environmental patterns in which these communities are enmeshed. Since the river Brahmini (barring some minor rivulets and streams), which is a major source of water supply for industrialisation, dries up during summer, the companies have had to rely on putting up deep tube wells for water supply though unauthorized tube wells too have been taking away subsoil water in spite of the Jajar district administration taking strong preventive measures.
A Maoist leader active in Sukinda influenced those who resisted displacement. After his arrest, Maoist activities came down. Most of the plants are technology-intensive and automated thus providing not many employment opportunities, especially to the unskilled. In an earlier era, under a ‘socialist’ philosophy, public sector enterprises such as the Rourkhela steel plant had provided massive employment opportunities. The Hirakud irrigation project too had created similar opportunities. In the present situation, however, local employment has been minimal. The perceived tendency of the locals to resort to trade unionism perhaps also played a part in preventing employment of local workers.
Current resettlement and rehabilitation policies, reportedly drawn from the Karnataka experience, did not involve thorough discussion of all relevant issues. We visited the Trijunga and Sansailo camps. The state government agency in charge of land acquisition, the Industrial Development Corporation of Orissa, (IDCO) is said to have acquired more land than required. Reportedly, the chief minister of the state following the example of his father, has neglected agriculture and is relying on industrial development with necessary kickbacks for electoral contestations.
The state Finance Minister and former trade unionist hailing from Jajpur district where the Kalinga Industrial Complex is located, has been influential in persuading the displaced adivasi communities to move out to resettlement and rehabilitation colonies set up by the industries.
Observers say that corporate social responsibility calls for more than what has been accomplished by the companies. Only about 1000 jobs in all are likely to be available for local persons with technical competence. Other locals with political connections may get some jobs. The projects would make large profits but the locals will have to live with the pollution that would follow. There was an absence of environmental awareness. Some basic educational and medial arrangements have been made in the resettlement colonies but much bigger efforts need to be made not only to educate and medically provide for the displaced but also to train them on a large scale for future avenues.
An informant said that the pattern of ‘industrialization’ underway was contrary to the provisions of the Constitution of India, which is ‘socialist’. The weak rehabilitation policy made little provision for maintenance and no concern for the environment. The ‘basic structure’ of the Constitution as per the Keshavananda Bharati judgement of the Supreme Court, stood violated. When more land than required is acquired, demands for the return of the unutilised land follow as happened when the Rourkela steel plant was set up.
Some of the units in the Kalinga Nagar complex were said to have raised their own security forces though there is nothing surprising in this. India today is full of private security forces for various establishments including private residential colonies. There is need for the setting up of a Orissa Industrial Security Force on the lines of the Central Industrial Security Force (CISF). This can also partly address the employment problem, which is a contributory cause of the growing unrest among the youth. The industrial units should prepare and train local youths at least for non-technical jobs not to speak of technical ones.
Some adivasi families are determined to resist displacement and are led by militant elements from outside such as from Jharkhand. Mainstream political elements too are active behind the resistance. Given the power of the dominant economic and political forces supporting the current pattern of ‘industrialization’, resistance to displacement is likely to decline. Government and the units appear to be following a ‘carrot and stick’ policy.
22 out of the 30 districts in the state are said to be vulnerable to the influence of Maoists. The official binary tendency to view as ‘Naxalites’/Maoists all those who oppose the present pattern of industrialisation, became clear during extended conversation with the state DG of police who left no room for a middle space between the Maoists and anti-Maoists! However, the visit to the Jajpur district and the Kalinga Nagar Industrial Complex was trouble free belying doubts and fears. The district police chief and additional district magistrate gave largely coherent explanations of their onerous tasks. It also appeared that the state DG of police was out of touch with realities on the ground.
The Jan Shakti group of Naxalites, once active in the Jajpur and Keonjar districts of the state, is said to have declined. The January 2006 police firing, which killed several adivasis in the Kalinga Nagar Complex, was the result of public opposition to the boundary wall construction by the Tatas around their project area. There was no public discussion and the administration became panicky and over-reacted under pressure from above. The more recent incident of violence on March 30 2010 also resulted from misperceptions on part of the crowd mobilised by the Vistapan Virodi Manch opposed to displacement, about the purpose behind the construction of the proposed ‘link corridor’ to facilitate easy movement of traffic.
Basic Development, Health and Education
The development path followed in the state is the one set by the central government. This path differs from the one followed in the previous era, which to some extent showed concern for inclusiveness and justice. The present path symbolizes rampant and predatory capitalism. The issue of employment generation, which is a key factor behind the present unrest, has not been adequately addressed. Health and education especially for the adivasi youth has not received enough attention. Discussion in this regard with Padmashri Dr.Tulasi Munda, a tribal woman leader of eminence, was revealing. The lady is a convinced follower of Mahatma Gandhi and during our dialogue, quoted him, Vinobha Bhave and Jayaprakash Narayan repeatedly. She was of the view that India has to follow a path of development espoused by Gandhi of empowering the Panchayats for local development, health and education. The present centralized governance arrangements have not only failed but would aggravate conflicts in society. Dr. Munda narrated the difficulties she faced in the education of adivasi children who were dropping out because of the need to earn a living. Later, state government officials were advised by the present writer to interact with the great woman and see what can be done to support the Adivasi Vikas Samiti led by her, which is running schools in several districts for adivasi education. Companies like the Tatas, who have long term major interest in the state, would need to support not only Dr. Munda’s educational efforts but set up modern and up to date hospitals for tribal welfare instead of leaving these activities to the market as has happened in the case of the sale of minor forest produce by the adivasis, which is harming them.
It may be noted that though Panchayats Extension to Scheduled Act, 1996 has been extended to Orissa, the Gram Sabhas here have not been empowered in the manner envisaged in the original Act passed by Parliament. Proposals for land acquisition, which are to be taken up, debated and approved at the Gram Sabha level, have been left to be dealt with at the District Panchayat level. This enables the government to manipulate the district Panchayat bodies through district magistrate to allot lands to those preferred by government rather than those approved by the Gram Panchayat.
Restrictions on Movement, Association and Assembly
Adivasi villages in the Jajpur district are located in widely dispersed areas. Administrative control and management are made difficult by locational handicaps. The police force is supportive of the efforts of the industrial units to carry out the displacement of the adivasis from their traditional habitats to new locations in the resettlement and rehabilitation colonies. Police action, often high-handed, is mainly directed at controlling the militant Maoist elements who by their actions instil fear in the local level administration and the police. Orissa police are a traditional coercive force, which is now largely not only dysfunctional but also anachronistic. It is legally accountable to its political masters and the higher bureaucracy but not to the local community. Its autonomy and impunity are guaranteed by its organisational structure and the provisions of law. Recent Supreme Court directions on police reforms have not gone far. The newly set up Special Operations Group (1600 men) to control the activities of the Maoists is yet to take off. While there is groupism at the higher echelons of the police, encounter killings continue on the ground.
The police are under great pressure because of the deteriorating law and order situation in the state, especially the growing Maoist activities. Recent violent incidents have prompted the deployment of several central paramilitary battalions. The regions within the state are vast with lengthy borders, which are difficult to patrol; the Maoists operate with impunity. The police are diffident following the recent killings of CRPF men in Dantewada, Chhattisgarh. In Malkangiri, the reservoir at Balimela has cut off over 150 villages which cannot be reached by the police for lack of bridges. Two un-bridged rivers, Suleru and Gurupria, add to police problems. No company is willing to take up the task of construction of bridges for fear of the Maoists. Recently, a large contingent of the ‘greyhounds’ of Andhra Pradesh police was ambushed and killed in the area. The Border Roads Organisation (BRO) has been requested to take up bridge-building. Thus, lack of development has cut off vast areas of the thickly forested region of Koraput-Bolangir-Kalahandi (KBK), which remains backward.
The Narayanpatna area in southern Orissa, currently in the limelight on account of recent violence, has witnessed land grabbing from adivasis by non-adivasis on a large scale. The Chashi Mulia Adivasi Sangh, reportedly a front of the CPI (Maoists), though denied by Sangh, has been agitating for the return of the adivasi lands grabbed by outside elements. Though one Maoist leader has been held, the Orissa police are unable to contain the Maoists. After 2000, several Maoist groups from Andhra Pradesh, Bihar and Jharkhand have converged on the tribal belt in the Keonjar district of Orissa. The fast spreading fear of the Maoists can be seen in the fact that there was a perceived threat of a Maoist attack on the state capital even as the writer was preparing to leave.
Meetings with Officials and Others
Political corruption, promoted by faulty policies of ‘industrialization’, was a major issue highlighted during discussions with retired officials. There are 147 seats in the state assembly. The average expenditure incurred by each candidate goes up to about Rs. 50 lakhs (5 million) half of which is contributed by the political party concerned. A total expenditure of about Rs 100 Crores (Rs.100 lakhs equals Rs. 1 Crore) is incurred by all assembly candidates put together. Besides, there are 22 parliamentary seats in the state. Each candidate spends not less than Rs. 3 to 4 Crores during the election campaign. The money coming from industrialists helped the present ruling party to come to power in the state. The Maoists are also known to extort funds from the public.
Overall, one is compelled to conclude that the adivasi communities have been the prime victims of the current development process, which includes structural and physical violence. The police structure, including the legal framework, supports and maintains the prevailing arrangements and reinforces them as required in conditions of increasing violence and rural and tribal disparities. Dr. Tulasi Munda, the woman adivasi leader, has very important things to say on the need to adopt the Gandhian path especially Panchayati Raj system of local self government and development but there are no takers for her.
(These are the personal views of the author who was part of a fact finding team which visited Orissa recently. The full report will be released soon).